. |
December 2007 “Civic” Revolution or
Workers Revolution?
Ecuador
Needs a Workers, Peasants and Indian Government Soldiers approach a barricade of striking oil workers in Orellana province under the government of Alfredo Palacio, in March 2006. Today the equally capitalist government of Rafael Correa strikes at the peasants of Orellana. (Foto: Dolores Ochoa R./AP) Forge a
Leninist-Trotskyist Revolutionary Workers Party!
For an Andean Federation of Workers Republics! Over the last two decades,
Ecuador has found itself in an almost constant state of upheaval and
revolt:
workers and peasants struggles of the 1980s, indigenous uprisings of
the ’90s
and so far in this century the overthrow of presidents Mahuad (2000), Noboa (2003) and Gutiérrez
(2005) by popular mobilizations.
Yet
after all this, practically nothing has changed in the direction the
country is
headed. It is still subject to the dictates of Yankee imperialism, the
dollarization of the economy, the U.S. Southern Command’s occupation of
the
Manta Air Base, the domination of the multinational oil companies over
the
Amazon regions, the control of politics by traditional oligarchic
clans, the
omnipresent poverty and the forced emigration of over 10 percent of the
national population. By all accounts, Ecuador needs a revolution. But
the
question is posed, what kind of revolution? The current president, Rafael Correa, a bourgeois populist, has proclaimed
himself a
“Christian humanist of the left” while he declares a “civic revolution”
to
improve public morality and arrive at “profound, radical and rapid
change of
the prevailing political, economic and social conditions.” Exactly what
this
change consists of is not something he has addressed in detail. On the
other
hand, he ferociously opposes any class actions, particularly
the
struggle for a workers revolution to bring down the capitalist
system. But this is exactly what Ecuador requires: a struggle for a
revolutionary workers, peasants and Indian government, which would join
with
the neighboring countries in an Andean federation of workers republics,
which
in turn would be part of a Socialist United States of Latin America.
Without
this proletarian internationalist program, the infernal cycle of
bourgeois
military and “democratic” governments will continue, spelling unending
poverty
for working people. After the expulsion of the
self-styled “dictocrat” Lucio Gutiérrez
from the Palacio de
Carondelet (Ecuador’s
presidential palace) in the so-called “revolt of the forajidos (outlaws)”
in April 2005, the government of his vice president Alfredo Palacio González carried on with the same policies,
implementing the
measures dictated by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and
negotiating a
free trade agreement with the United States. Blocked by the opposition
headed
by the Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities and Peoples of Ecuador
(CONAIE by its Spanish initials) and other Indian
organizations through mass demonstrations and highway blockades, Palacio decreed a state of emergency in March 2006.
Finally,
in the November 2006 presidential elections, the economist Correa was elected, owing his victory to the
support of
various indigenous and leftist organizations in the second round of
voting, on
the base of his popular-frontist program. So strong was the
antediluvian right wing opposition to Correa
that many reformist leftists, trade-unionists and Indian activists at
first
gave their support to the new president. Without a murmur of protest,
they
accepted that there would be no cushy ministerial posts for them in the
new
cabinet, as there had been in the government of Gutiérrez: they also submitted when Correa refused to place their names on the
electoral slate
of his PAIS (“Exalted and Sovereign Fatherland,” which
spells
“Nation” in Spanish) movement. Nevertheless, at the same time as he has
distanced himself from the White House and Washington’s financial
institutions
and drawn closer to nationalist forces and regimes, in domestic affairs
the
balance sheet of eleven months of Correa’s
“center-left” government is one of concessions to “modern”
right-wingers and
violent attacks against leftist demonstrations. Now with the defeat of Hugo Chávez in the Venezuelan constitutional referendum,
Correa’s shift to the right will proceed at an
accelerated
pace. There is point in accusing Correa of betrayal: he has always been faithful to
his bourgeois
program. Responsibility for the current political state of affairs for
the
Ecuadorian workers, peasants and indigenous peoples falls on a left
that time
and again has sought to tie itself to one or another capitalist
politician, military figure or economist, sacrificing the working class
in the
interests of an alliance for class collaboration, a “popular front.”
From the
outset, we Trotskyists of the League for the Fourth International
warned against
alliances between the indigenous and leftist movement and Colonel
Gutiérrez and
his military lodge1,
which at
first pretended to be leftist but is now universally acknowledged as
ultra-rightist; we warned against placing confidence in the “outlaws,”
a
bourgeois and potentially rightist movement2.
Now, once again, we state that fundamental task remains the
construction of a revolutionary
workers party free of any political ties to the bourgeoisie. Constituent Assembly
and
Repression: Doubtless, with his leftish
rhetoric Correa’s election awakened great hopes among the impoverished
working
masses, as well as in the middle layers (the petty bourgeoisie), who
were sick
and tired of the corrupt governments of the traditional Ecuadorian
parties, the
so-called partidocracia. When he was sworn in as president in
mid-January, Correa pronounced himself to be a partisan of “21st
century
socialism,” favoring “Bolivarian” regional integration with Hugo
Chávez’ Venezuela
and Evo Morales’ Bolivia, and announced the imminent calling of a
Constituent
Assembly. His PAIS movement did not run any candidates for the
disgraced
Congress, infamous as a sordid den of oligarchs and thieves, intending
instead
to shut it down with the forthcoming Assembly. Immediately a hue and
cry arose
from the parliamentary majority – headed by Álvaro Noboa’s PRIAN
(National
Action and Institutional Renovation Party), Jaime Nabot’s PSC (Social
Christian
Party), and Lucio Gutiérrez’s PSP (Patriotic Society Party) –
amplified by the
big media outlets, labeling the Correa government a “dictatorship.” But then something
unexpected occurred. Before the Congressional majority could reject his
plans
for a Constituent Assembly, the country’s Supreme Electoral Tribunal
stepped in
on Correa’s side. When the infuriated parliamentary deputies voted to
depose
the head of the Tribunal, a traditional right-winger, the court decreed
the
expulsion of 57 deputies from Congress. These were later replaced by
deputies
from the same parties, who approved the referendum for a Constituent
Assembly.
The population responded in favor of convoking the Assembly with a
landslide
majority, 81 percent of the vote. Once again, when deputies to the
Assembly
were elected on September 30, the candidates of the ruling PAIS
alliance won 80
of the 130 seats. With this strong popular backing, Correa announced
that
henceforth, Ecuador would take 99 percent of excess profits from the
sale of
oil by foreign petroleum companies. Bourgeois nationalist
presidents of the region. From the left: Hugo Chávez
(Venezuela), Rafael Correa (Ecuador),
Evo Morales (Bolivia). For an Andean federation of workers republics!
Nevertheless, on November
30, the very day that the Constituyente was inaugurated in
Montecristi
(in the coastal province of Manabí) – the birthplace of Eloy
Alfaro, champion
of the 19th century Liberal Revolution – a brutal military crackdown
was
unleashed on the parish of Dayuma, in the Amazonian province of
Orellana. The
Amazonian rebels had the temerity to block a road, resulting in
shutting down
production at an oil well. For this action, the President labeled them
“terrorists” and “mafiosi.” Correa declared a state of emergency in the
region.
The local population is demanding implementation of an agreement signed
over
five years ago, promising them a paved road, electric power and jobs,
“but
instead of asphalt, the people of Dayuma were given tear gas, gunshots,
beatings and prison,” says a December 5 bulletin of the Coordinadora de
Movimientos Sociales (Coordinating Committee of Social Movements). News of the military attack
produced consternation across the whole country. Reports from Dayuma
speak of
one peasant shot to death, some 27 people detained, and others
“disappeared.”
The great majority of the detainees are peasants, who emphasize that
they voted
for Correa in the elections,. They were dragged from their homes,
barefoot,
hands tied, airlifted by helicopter to the cantonal, Coca, held
incommunicado
and subjected to “robust” interrogation, as the thugs of
Guantánamo put it (all
the Dayuma detainees bear marks of torture). Some 22 people are still
being
held captive, among them, the prefect of the canton, Guadalupe Llori,
who was
immediately transferred to the national capital Quito, supposedly “for
her own
protection.” There is also an arrest warrant for the woman mayor of
Coca. The
workers movement must demand the immediate release of all the detainees. But what’s most significant
about this incident is what it reveals about the character of the
government
itself. It’s not the first time Correa has moved against protesters for
obstructing oil production. At the beginning of March, peasants of the
same Orellana
province occupied the installations of Bloque Azul, which was being
operated
(illegally, according to the peasants) by the former Brazilian state
oil
company, Petrobras. (Since being denationalized by the government of
Lula da
Silva, the majority of Petrobras stock is held privately by Wall Street
investors.) Five local residents were wounded in the ensuing
repression. “I
can’t comprehend how, under this government, the same forms of
repression are
being repeated as under the neoliberal regimes, and how the army has
been
converted into a gendarme of the petroleum multinationals,” commented
Fernando
Villavicencio of the Movimiento Gente Común (Movement of the
Common People).
But they were. And now it is being repeated. First of all, we must
reject the possibility it’s all a big mistake, that the president was
“misinformed,” as some pro-government pseudo-leftists make believe.
When
deputies to the Constituent Assembly announced that they would address
the
issue of Dayuma, Correa himself threatened that if the Assembly, in
which his
partisans hold a majority, took up the case, he would resign. At a
press
conference on the capital’s “Mariscal Sucre” Airbase, he bellowed “the
anarchy
in Orellana has ended.” It is “time to restore order,” he added,
insisting that
“those bands of mafiosi have met their end, the sabotage, the
blackmail, is
over.” Besides calling the peasant fighters and Amazonian ecologists
“terrorists,” even speculating about an intrusion by the FARC (the
Communist
Party-led Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia), he insisted that the
detainees remain in prison. So the question is, why is he demonizing
and
repressing his own followers? The key is that Correa is a
nationalist, a populist to be sure, but bourgeois above all.
In place of
the “neoliberal” policies of the “Washington consensus,” of the
globalization
that has resulted in the privatization of many social services and
large
industrial sectors in Latin America and the takeover of many companies
by
imperialist conglomerates, Ecuador’s economist-president is a partisan
of the
“developmentalist” policies associated with the figure of Raúl
Prebisch
(1901-1985) and his Economic Commission for Latin America (ECLA) who
promoted a
process of industrialization through “import substitution” on the
continent
from the 1950s through the ’80s. Today, leftist types criticize
neoliberalism,
but not capitalism, implying that they are looking for another
capitalist “model,” particularly the one pushed by Correa. The Ecuadorian president
has fulminated against imperialism and ordered reprisals against
companies that
damage the country’s sovereignty. When the representative of the World
Bank
criticized his economic policy, Correa expelled him. When the Pentagon
would
not accept the annulment of its contract for occupation of the airbase
and port
of Manta by forces of the Southern Command, which uses it as a base for
counterinsurgency operations in Colombia, Correa reiterated that he
would not
renew the contract, unless the U.S. gave Ecuador a military base in
Miami in
order to keep an eye on the military activities of the great power of
the
north. When Occidental Petroleum – known as la Oxy – which for
many
years dominated the production of black gold in the Amazon region,
transferred
the oil production rights for several tracts to a Canadian firm without
the
Ecuadorian government’s permission, Correa canceled their entire
contract. Many
leftists took heart to see a president who did not bow and scrape
before the
imperialist master. Nevertheless, to hope for a
“sovereign path of development” together with “Third World” capitalist
regimes
like Brazil or Chile, and with the Chinese bureaucratically deformed
workers
state, will not favor the Ecuadorian workers. Correa’s government could
indeed
build a paved highway in the Amazon, but not for the benefit of the
region’s
people. It would be part of his project to build a land route between
the port
of Manta and the Brazilian Amazon to facilitate exports to China. In
fact, the
repression in Dayuma followed right after the president’s return from
his tour
of the Far East, and just before his meeting with representatives of
Petrobras
to renegotiate their oil production contracts. He sought to show, by
military
force, that he was capable of enforcing his contractual commitments. Spiced up with “socialist”
phraseology, and due to his frictions with the predatory policies of
U.S.
imperialism, Correa’s cause has been embraced with gusto by
opportunists of the
reformist left. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, these gentlemen
have
abandoned all confidence in socialist revolution (if they ever had any)
to
place their hopes in bourgeois nationalists like Chávez, Morales
or Correa, and
even in “neoliberals with a human face” like Mexico’s Andrés
Manuel López
Obrador. In the Venezuelan case, this is accompanied by the caudillo’s
passing
fancy for the historical figure and some of the phrases (but not for
his
program of international proletarian revolution) of the great Russian
revolutionary and founder of the Fourth International, Leon Trotsky.
But the
“developmentalist model” of economics is no less capitalist than the
“neoliberal” model. And in the class struggle in his own country,
Correa is
ready to strike against the workers as forcefully as any of the satraps
of
George Bush – as the courageous peasants of Dayuma have just
experienced. Fight for Permanent
Revolution – Forward on the Path of Lenin and Trotsky! In August Rafael Correa
called together a conference in Quito on “the socialisms of the 21st
century,”
moderated by none other than his minister of “defense” (that is, of the
bourgeois armed forces), Lorena Escuerdo, whose predecessor Guadalupe
Larriva
died in a suspicious airplane “accident.” It’s a curious “socialist”
regime
that dispatches troops to Haiti (the new Ecuadorian contingent consists
of 60
soldiers and four officers) under Brazilian and Chilean command as part
of a
colonial occupation that is barely disguised by the blue helmets of the
United
Nations, freeing up the U.S. expeditionary force for the occupation of
Iraq.
Trotskyists fight to drive out the mercenary occupation forces from
Haiti,
including the Ecuadorian troops. The
undersecretary of war in the government of Rafael Correa greets
Ecuadorian troops, part of the forces occupying Haiti under the aegis
of the United Nations. Trotskyists fight to drive out the mercenary
occupation forces. In his lecture at the Quito
conference, the Ecuadorian president followed the line drawn by his
Venezuelan
counterpart, declaring that “21st century socialism is a work in
progress and
calling for it to be permanent,” as an official report of the
presidential
office put it. In order to avoid any confusion, Correa underlined that
for this
“socialism,” which he calls an “authentic intellectual product” of
Latin
America, “class struggle and violent conflict are impermissible in the
21st
century.” He also maintained that “the elimination of private property
is
intolerable,” and argued for “the democratization – but not necessarily
state
ownership – of the means of production” seeking to “live well, in
harmony with
the natural environment, and with regional, ethnic, and gender equity.”
For his
part, the “leftist” president of the Constituent Assembly, Alberto
Acosta, vows
that “private property is guaranteed” (El Comercio, 5 December
2007). So here we have the noble
harmonious vision that leads the “socialist,” the “Christian humanist
and
leftist” president, to imprison Amazonian Indians and women protesting
against
the ravages caused by the brutal methods of oil drilling on their
lands! But
Correa is not alone. The whole spectrum of reformist leftists, from the
petrified Stalinists of the Marxist-Leninist Communist Party of Ecuador
(PCMLE)
to post-modern, post-Marxist academics, have traded in their socialist
rhetoric
for talk of “democratic revolution.” Thus, far from calling for a
socialist
revolution, with power passing into the hands of workers’ and peasants’
soviets, today they seek to inaugurate “participatory democracy” by
means of a Constituent
Assembly. For example, the North American socialist academic Roger
Burbach
writes: “With the collapse
of
Marxism-Leninism and its central tenet that the bourgeois state can be
transformed only through revolution and seizing state power, the
constituent
assemblies in South America raise important theoretical and strategic
questions.” –R. Burbach.
“Ecuador’s
Popular Revolt”. NACLA Report on the Americas,
September-October 2007 The “democratic” slogan for
the Constituent Assembly, which is in vogue all over the continent,
cannot
avoid the inevitable class conflict. Talk of “refounding”
these
thoroughly capitalist countries without bringing down the rule of
capital is a
fraud3.
The only way to liberate the working masses from poverty and emancipate
indigenous peoples from their age-old oppression, along with women,
blacks and
other sectors victimized by capitalism, is through socialist revolution4.
In this struggle, the proletariat must serve as a tribune of the
people, as
Lenin indicated: it must put itself at the head of and be the defender
of all
the oppressed and exploited. And furthermore as Trotsky emphasized in
his
theory and program of permanent revolution, in the epoch of
imperialism
none of the great tasks of the bourgeois-democratic revolution can be
realized
short of the conquest of power by the working class, which will be
obliged,
simply in order to maintain its rule of soviet democracy (the
dictatorship of
the proletariat), to take up socialist tasks and extend the revolution
to the
heart of imperialism. Ever since the ’70s we have
experienced the gravely restricted bourgeois democracy that is the only
sort of
“democracy” there can be in semi- or neocolonial countries like
Ecuador. The
despised “partidocracia” that held sway over the last three decades
replaced
the bloody military regimes that preceded it. Governments of both
varieties
fully complied with the dictates of imperialism. If today the
government of
Ecuador allies itself with Lula’s Brazil, Morales’ Bolivia,
Chávez’ Venezuela,
and Néstor Kirchner’s Argentina, the result will be no
different, since all of
these are capitalist regimes. The current Ecuadorian situation
is even
more acute than the others. How will Correa’s government carry out
“developmentalist” economic policies when the Ecuadorian currency is
the U.S.
dollar? At any moment the imperialists could flood Ecuador with
greenbacks and
set off skyrocketing inflation. As we have pointed out, the
government of Rafael Correa only wants to defend its own bourgeois
class
interests. If it must repress the Amazonian people of Dayuma to open
the
“Multi-Modal Manta-Manaos Corridor,” or shoot down peasant protesters
in order
to give preferential treatment to Petrobras in the Bloque Palo Azul
oilfields,
well, that’s capitalism for you. The real obstacle to a
successful
struggle against the enemy – the bourgeois governments, whether
of the
rightist oligarchy or the populist left – is found in the reformist
pseudo-socialist and indigenous leadership. And what’s at issue is not
a
misguided strategy. With their program of class collaboration, they are
easy
prey for the tricks of the “neoliberals.” The economist Pablo
Dávalos showed
how imperialist agencies have literally bought these sell-out leaders: “The World Bank
came to
create projects specifically for those social actors who could become
key
political leaders in the resistance to neoliberalism. The intention of
these
projects was to politically neutralize them, destroy their
organizational
capacity, and corrupt their leadership and political cadres, converting
them
into technocrats of development. For the indigenous movement, the World
Bank
created the Project for the Development of the Indigenous and Black
Peoples of
Ecuador (PRODEPINE), for the peasant and rural sectors it created the
Project
for the Reduction of Poverty and Local Rural Development (PROLOCAL),
for the
women’s movement it applied the Program of Gender and Innovation for
Latin
America (PROGENIAL).” –Pablo
Dávalos. “La
politica del gatopardo”. América Latina en Movimiento
No. 423 (Ecuador
en tiempos de cambio), 20 August 2007 And for the
labor movement and left-wing political parties (the PCMLE and
Pachakutik, the
party of the indigenous movement) there were the lures of ministerial
posts
with their juicy fringe benefits in the Gutiérrez government,
until popular
rebellion forced them to withdraw. While there are many cases
of individual corruption, there is a deeper, systemic problem. Only
those who
are dedicated to bringing it down can resist the discreet charm of
capitalist
state power. Reformists, including those who out of habit and a
defective
memory call themselves socialists or communists, seek to pressure the
capitalist rulers. So what better way to gain influence than from the
inside?
This is their reasoning. Thus, while opposing “free trade” agreements
with the
U.S., Luis Macas, president of the CONAIE and former presidential
candidate of
the Pachakutik party, emphasizes that it’s not just a matter of voting
against
it, but of negotiating better agreements. From this viewpoint, its
logical that
he would end up voting for Correa for president. And the PCMLE, which
remained
in Gutierrez’s cabinet until it was forced to depart, doesn’t flatly
oppose
Correa’s repression in Dayuma, but instead offers counsel and a polite
request
that “the President of the Republic speedily resolve the current
situation” (En
Marcha, 15 December 2007). We Trotskyists who fight
for the program of permanent revolution insist, today as in the past,
that the
only way to liberate the workers, peasants and indigenous peoples,
Afro-Ecuadorians and women, is by way of socialist revolution, not as a
distant
later “stage” but as the order of the day, resulting from the seizure
of power
by working class, supported by the poor peasants and Indians, raising
itself up
as a tribune of all the oppressed. To this end we seek to build a
genuinely
communist, revolutionary workers party, a Bolshevik Leninist-Trotskyist
vanguard, forged in struggle against social-democratic and Stalinist
reformism.
While for bourgeois and petty-bourgeois nationalists the forced
migration of
Ecuadorians is nothing but a tragedy, for the proletarian
internationalists it
represents an opportunity. The hundreds of thousands of Ecuadorian
workers now
residing in Spain and the United States can infuse the workers struggle
with an
internationalist spirit in their adopted countries and in the land of
their
birth. In
the Old World of Europe and the New World of the Americas, from the
semi-colonies to the belly of the imperialist beast, we fight to
reforge the
Fourth International, world party of socialist revolution. ■ 1 “Dollarization and Massive
Militarization:
Ecuador Totters in the Capitalist Crisis” and “New Ecuadorian
Government: Made
in U.S.A.,” in The Internationalist No. 8 (June 2000).
2 See “Ecuador: The ‘Rebellion of the Outlaws’ – A Marxist Analysis,” The Internationalist No. 21 (Summer 2005). A Spanish-language compilation of articles from the LFI on Ecuador can be found in Cuadernos de El Internacionalista, July 2003. 3 See our article, “Trotskyism vs. Constituent Assembly Mania,” October 2007. 4 See “Marxism and the Indian Question in Ecuador,” The Internationalist No. 17 (October-November 2003) To contact the Internationalist Group and the League for the Fourth International, send e-mail to: internationalistgroup@msn.com |
|