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Labor Misleaders Bank on Democrats’ Flim-flam
The Betrayal of the NYC School Bus Strike
Needed: A Class-Struggle Union Leadership
Fighting for a Workers Party
Internationalist contingent at February 10 “union unity” march over the Brooklyn Bridge. Thousands
of bus strikers marched, but the rest of labor was MIA. (Internationalist photo)
On Friday, February 15, the month-long strike by the 8,100 school bus drivers and matrons of Amalgamated Transit Union Local 1181 was called off by the union leadership. There was no vote by the membership, the decision was announced in a 45-minute teleconference call. The next day the labor-hating New York Post crowed, “Union Strike Bus-ted.” The liberal New York Times proclaimed the outcome a “Win for New York Mayor” Michael Bloomberg, who issued a statement gloating that “special interests,” which is how the capitalists and their politicians refer to unions, “have never had less power than they do today.” Racist right-wingers on the Internet blasted the largely black and Latino strikers as “greedy union thugs.”
Although relieved to be earning a paycheck again after weeks of watching bills pile up, many strikers were angry about being sent back to work with empty hands. ATU leaders said in “suspending” the strike they were honoring the request of the five Democratic mayoral candidates who signed a joint letter calling on workers to return to their jobs in exchange for a pledge to “revisit the school bus transportation system and contracts if elected.” (Four of the five call-off-the-strike Democrats were previously endorsed by the Working Families Party.) Local 1181 president Michael Cordiello said the letter gave him “great confidence” that the next mayor would be “far more sympathetic.” But many bus workers The Internationalist spoke with said they didn’t trust the Democrats one bit.
ATU 1181 leadership
with Democratic mayoral candidate John Liu
(center) at February 10 City Hall rally.
Looking to the Democrats, or any capitalist
party, is a ticket for defeat. (ATU Local 1181)
The candidates made sympathetic noises, but they pointedly did not pledge to uphold or restore the Employee Protection Provisions (EPPs), the central issue in the strike. Relying on the Democrats will not defend union gains – they represent the interests of Wall Street and corporate bosses no less than do the Republicans. Currently, Democratic president Obama is leading the union-busting attack on teachers, while New York Democratic governor Cuomo vetoed a bill that would have guaranteed EPPs. But in fact the letter was requested by the ATU International in order to give the union tops what amounted to a face-saving way to call off the strike. The ranks did not buckle, the leaders did. They had no program to win the battle, so they threw in the towel.
When they went back to work the following Wednesday, February 20, more than 300 strikers were told their jobs were gone. When we arrived at the Reliant yard on Zerega Avenue in the Bronx at 5:15 a.m. that morning, drivers and matrons were being refused entry by management, which said it had hired 120 “replacement workers,” or scabs. Cops (and even a couple of “white shirts”) had been called in against the angry workers, but eventually the union got the company to back off. In Red Hook, Joey Fazzia of Boro Wide announced the company had shut down and all hundred-plus matrons were out of a job. Most but not all are now back. However, citywide more than 100 strikers are still fired, particularly at Rainbow/All American in Astoria. The union’s response has been to threaten legal action for unfair labor practices.
The school bus strike was the biggest strike in New York City since the 2005 transit strike, which for three days brought traffic in Manhattan to a virtual standstill. The ATU strikers stuck it out in the bitter cold, in isolated areas of the city, for weeks. Picket lines stayed strong, and two-thirds of the bus routes were shut down (the other third were non-union or Teamsters Local 584, which shamefully did not go out). But the strikers could not by themselves shut down the schools or seriously affect commerce in the city – that required solidarity action by the rest of labor, the United Federation of Teachers first and foremost, and that didn’t happen. The UFT, Central Labor Council and the rest of labor officialdom left the strikers twisting in the wind.
From the first day of the strike, we called in leaflets, on picket signs, and in a special tabloid strike supplement of The Internationalist, close to 3,000 copies of which were distributed to strikers, to “Mobilize Labor’s Power to Win NYC School Bus Strike.” But while 5,000+ ATU members came out for the February 10 march over the Brooklyn Bridge to City Hall, almost none of the rest of labor did. Delegations ranged from a handful to less than 50 for the UFT (with a membership of over 100,000 active school personnel in the city). As we noted, the march was deliberately held on a Sunday so it couldn’t possibly disrupt anything, and was addressed by a parade of Democratic politicians, who a few days later issued the requested back-to-work letter.
It was all part of Operation End the Strike. In the aftermath, a leaflet by Class Struggle Education Workers (“Who Knifed NYC School Bus Strikers in the Back?”) that was distributed to hundreds of returning strikers on February 16 stated: “It would have taken the combined determination of the whole NYC labor movement to break Bloomberg’s union-busting. But labor leaders didn’t ‘walk the walk,’ they barely mumbled the talk.” While “salut[ing] school bus drivers and matrons whose brave month-long strike inspired us all,” the CSEW leaflet warned that “Labor tops’ reliance on Democrats leads to defeats” and concluded: “Victory requires a new, class-struggle leadership and a workers party.”
The NYC school bus strike was a signal event for labor. Instead of just lying down and taking it, as so many unions have done, workers were fighting back. The defeat of the strike is a bitter pill for the workers to swallow. Yet while the battle was lost, the war is not over. For the union leadership, which was not prepared to wage class war – and didn’t even know how to when it had to – this is a meaningless cliché. For union militants, both in the ATU and elsewhere, it underlines the need to draw the lessons of this strike, in order to prepare a battle plan for victory in the future. The key for that is a struggle within the mass organizations of labor, the unions, for a revolutionary program to wage and win all-out class war, which is what we are facing.
Michael Bloomberg knows he is waging a war on labor, and he is prepared to go to the limit. He cynically used special needs children as pawns, reveling in the hardship families were facing, in order to blame the union. Luckily most parents weren’t taken in by the lies of the haughty billionaire mayor, who during Hurricane Sandy told New Yorkers to kick back and watch TV (no so easy when you have no power). Bloomberg represents the enemy, the Wall Street financiers and corporate moguls who live off the wealth that working people produce. The obstacle we face in fighting them is the labor misleaders, who religiously follow the capitalist laws and support the capitalist parties. They’re playing softball when Bloomberg & Co. are playing hardball. But as history has shown over and over, if you play by the bosses’ rules you’re sure to lose.
V.I. Lenin referred to strikes as a “school of war,” class war. So what are the lessons to be learned here? First of all, said the Russian revolutionary leader, “a strike teaches workers to understand what the strength of the employers and what the strength of the workers consists in.” Bloomberg and his class have all the money, obviously, but it is the workers who make the system run. Second, a strike “opens the eyes of the workers to the nature, not only of the capitalists, but of the government and the laws as well.” So in the school bus strike we not only saw the police penning in strikers, we saw the mayor lying about a 2011 court decision, calling the strike illegal, and then blithely ignoring an NLRB ruling that the strike was legal. For the bosses, “the law” is just an instrument of their class rule.
To win, it was necessary to understand that this was no isolated strike. School bus workers were up against a concerted union-busting drive by the capitalist rulers nationally and internationally. It was not just over dollars and cents, at stake were workers’ jobs. If Bloomberg wins, bus drivers’ pay will likely be cut in half (to the starting wage of $14.50 an hour), hours reduced to part-time (as is already the case for ATU 1181 members on Long Island) and everyone’s benefits slashed to the bone. It’s impossible to get by on that, much less retire with dignity, in this most expensive city in the U.S. It’s not just that the bosses are “destroying the middle class,” as the labor tops say. The war on the unions aims at impoverishing all workers. This is a battle for survival.
bus drivers and matrons were ready and willing to
fight. Even a day before the strike was called
off, hundreds turned out to jeer the mayor at his
“state of the city” speech at the Barclay Center
in Brooklyn. But the union leaders went about it
as if this was the same old same old. They begged
Bloomberg to join the talks, to delay bids on bus
routes, they offered to help cut costs, they
sought support from “elected officials,” they
asked for mediation, to no avail. They made no
attempt to stop scab buses or to picket out the
Teamster Local 584 companies. OMG, that would be a
“secondary boycott” under the slave-labor
Taft-Hartley law, which they wouldn’t dare defy.
Above all, they didn’t seek solidarity action by
teachers, students, parents, transit workers and
all NYC unions to shut the city
down. That is what it would take to win.
In the face of this severe setback, there will inevitably be some demoralization among strikers who fought hard and have nothing to show for it. Union militants know that things would be even worse if they hadn’t fought, and workers gained a lot of experience during the strike, the first by NYC school bus workers since 1979 . But in order to prevail in the next time around, the key is leadership. The present local leaders are mostly the continuation of the previous regime that the feds went after for mob ties. There have been opposition groups in 1181 before, such as Members for Change, which won several positions and almost took the local presidency in 2009, backed by many Haitian and Hispanic drivers and matrons who make up 70 percent of the membership.
a more representative leadership running on a
program of union democracy will not therefore be
sufficient to defeat a powerful opponent in a
knock-down, drag-out fight. In fact, groups like
the “Association for Union Democracy” have played
a sinister role over the years by tying union
opposition groups to the bosses’
government, far and away the biggest enemy
of the working class. The key lesson of the strike
is the need to build a class-struggle leadership
to fight for total independence from the
capitalist state and the capitalist parties. So
long as labor is tied to the Democrats, it is
bound to lose. We need a fighting workers party,
and we need it now. It’s up to us, to those
working people and our class allies among the
oppressed who have drawn the lessons of past
defeats, to lead the way.
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